There's Nothing Like Killing Democracy, Philippine-Style

Like any other elections, the Philippine electoral process reflects the competition between social forces.

Social forces, as defined in the Philippine context by Abinales and Amoroso in their book State and Society in the Philippines, “are movements and voluntary associations with political agendas that contend with each other and the state. They try to achieve their goals through coalition or accommodation with or defeat of other groups or the state, are willing to move into the state, or may endeavor to take over the state.”

And for all the hype about Philippine “democracy” – it is anything but. Yes, it has the trappings of elected representatives and elections – but the overall dynamics isn’t what democracy is all about. I would go out on a limb to say that the way we, Filipinos run our affairs contributes to the process of killing democracy. What’s more surpising is that the middle class was singled out as having to take part of the blame – well, it can’t take all the blame, should it?

Killing Democracy?

In a recent article on the Global Decline of Democracy, Newsweek magazine had this to say:

A global decline in political freedom is partly the fault of the middle class.

Political freedom blossomed in the developing world in the 1990s and early part of this century. While authoritarians still ruled most of Africa, Eastern Europe, and Asia in 1990, by 2005 democracies had emerged across these continents. The Soviet Union had morphed into Russia, a freewheeling society that seemed to bear little resemblance to its grim predecessor. With the fall of Saddam Hussein, the overthrow of the Taliban, the apparent end of military interventions in Turkey, and the reformist presidency of Mohammad Khatami in Iran, even the Middle East, long the laggard in democratic reform, appeared to be joining the trend. In 2005, Freedom House noted that only nine countries experienced rollbacks of democracy; in its report in 2009, it registered declines in “40 countries in Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, and the former Soviet Union.” Indeed, the organization found that the number of electoral democracies had fallen back to 116, its lowest number since 1995.

The culprits in democracy’s decline may come as a surprise. Many of the same middle-class men and women who once helped push dictators out of power are now seeing just how difficult it can be to establish democracy, and are pining for the days of autocracy. Why has this happened? In many cases because the early leaders of the young democracies that emerged in the 1990s failed to recognize that free societies require strong institutions, a loyal opposition to the ruling party, and a willingness to compromise. Instead, they saw democracy as just semiregular votes; after they won, they then used all tools of power to dominate their countries and to hand out benefits to their allies or tribe. This narrow interpretation of democracy not only distorted the true meaning of the word but also alienated the public in many countries, who became disgusted that these democrats seemed no more committed to the common good than their authoritarian predecessors.

This reminded me of the promise first EDSA uprisingand how Cory Aquino reneged on those promises. Cory was swept into the position by the constant agitation and propagandizing of the middle class in order to arouse, organize, and mobilize the broad masses. Upon getting the position, Cory Aquino instead of putting progressives in her Cabinet, at best appointed, self-serving trapos who were out to carve a niche for themselves in the oligarch-centric Philippine ochlocracy. This went further as the “anointed ones” of the oligarchy – from Aquino to Ramos went about doing business as usual.

In the process, the public got disgusted and became skeptical of professionals and intellectuals because they were perceived to have “sold out” to the oligarchy. This prompted a backlash that made the poor doubt anyone who was professional and intellectual – with good reason! So much so, that this time around, the discontent would make Estrada sail through victory with a double digit lead over his nearest competitor. It is for this same reason that Arroyo faced a major challenge from FPJ – and this is still the reason why despite Estrada’s conviction – he still had a strong following. Because clearly in a society where cheaters reign – you might as well have a cheater that is willing to spread the sunshine.

Without the distrust of professionals and intellectuals, more of the poor would have voted for Aquino than Estrada. The Estrada votes is a silent testimony of a house divided. What has that got to do with the Philippine middle class?

The Philippines’ marginal sectors and middle class have yet to make the connection that protectionism is primarily responsible for the stagnant economy). Let me spell it out in layman’s terms – with this kind of economy, you don’t just change the rules of the game (i.e. administrative reforms to curb corruption) – you change the game. Until we get this, we will be in an endless loop – and AP will sound like a sirang plaka (broken vinyl record) because we are still addressing the same unsolved problems.

Role of the Middle Class in Killing Philippine Democracy

At first the statement struck me? WTF? But on second read – the Newseek article did have a point to make.

One of the starkest examples of this phenomenon has been Thailand, which was considered by many in the 1990s to be one of the most promising young democracies in the world. Since then it has suffered one of the greatest comedowns. In the 1990s, Thailand passed one of the most progressive constitutions in the developing world, built a vibrant NGO culture that rivaled any in the West, and midwifed an unrestrained media that dug into scandal after scandal. In 2001, riding a wave of popular discontent following the Asian financial crisis, which had decimated Thailand’s economy, Thaksin Shinawatra, a billionaire telecommunications magnate, won national elections on a promise to right the economy and bring social welfare programs to the poor, who make up the majority of the country but historically had been treated with disdain by elite Thai politicians. Once in office, Thaksin delivered on some of his populist pledges: his government launched a universal health-care scheme and delivered loans to each village to kick-start economic growth. The prime minister made an elaborate show of listening to the poor, traveling from village to village to hear even the most minor complaints.

But Thaksin wasn’t the boon to Thailand’s democracy that he seemed at first. Instead, even as he was extending social protections he set about undermining many of Thailand’s young democratic institutions. He gutted the civil service and the judiciary, replacing independent thinkers with cronies, and silenced the media by allegedly having allies buy into media groups and then silence critical reporting. Declaring a “war on drugs,” Thaksin was accused by international and domestic human-rights groups of condoning extrajudicial killings and disappearances by the security forces. Prominent human-rights activists like lawyer Somchai Neelapaichit have simply vanished. Overall, more than 2,500 people died mysteriously during the drug war. Michael Montesano, an expert on Thai politics at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore, says that Thaksin more closely resembles a Latin American caudillo, such as Juan Perón, than a democratic politician.

One of the unlikely effects of such power grabs has been that in many of the countries where democracy has recently been rolled back, the middle class that once promoted political freedom is now also resorting to extralegal, undemocratic tactics—supposedly to save democracy itself. Middle-class Thai urbanites, for instance, bitterly disappointed by Thaksin’s abuses and worried he was empowering the poor at their expense, have rebelled. Rather than challenging Thaksin through the democratic process, such as by bolstering opposition parties or starting their own newspapers, they tore down democracy by shutting down institutions of government and calling for a military coup, even while claiming to support democracy. In order to push first Thaksin and then his allies out of office, mobs of protestors tried to paralyze Bangkok in 2006, 2007, and 2008, launching a siege of Parliament and, in 2008, taking over the main airport, a move that wreaked havoc on travel to the country. Many called for a military intervention or some other kind of benign despotism to restore the rule of law and fight corruption, which they claimed had worsened under Thaksin. “We had to save democracy, even if it meant [ignoring] elections,” said one Thai diplomat sympathetic to the protesters. The Thai elites got what they hoped for: Thaksin is in exile, his opponents are in power, and Thailand’s democracy is shattered.

A similar pattern has played out elsewhere. Middle-class demonstrators in the wealthier eastern part of Bolivia have launched an antigovernment campaign against President Evo Morales, a populist former union leader who has tried to redistribute wealth, nationalize businesses, and use a national referendum to dramatically increase his own powers. In the Philippines, where a previous generation of Filipinos had gathered to bring down the dictator Ferdinand Marcos, middle-class Manila residents came together again to force out Joseph Estrada, popularly elected and beloved by the poor but accused of massive graft. After Estrada left office, many of the same middle-class protestors turned out in attempts to force out Macapagal Arroyo, though she survived and remains in office.


The middle class’s push back against democracy, by way of coups and other antidemocratic means, has disenfranchised the poor, sparking still more protests. In Thailand, crowds of protesters, most of them poor, have launched their own violent demonstrations that target the middle classes who tried to push Thaksin out of office. Similarly in Bolivia, the middle-class anti-Morales protesters now have been met with angry pro-Morales protesters mostly drawn from the ranks of the poor. In the Philippines, poor men and women furious that their hero Estrada had been forced out by the middle class launched their own counter-protests. Now, with the nation heading to another election, Estrada, out of jail and running again, is picking up support from the poor for his presidential bid.

These counterprotests have led to class divides that could take generations to reconcile. After more than a decade of fragile democracy, many institutions created in the 1990s have been destroyed, and those in power have few remaining tools to resolve political tensions. In Russia, for instance, even if a leader came into office who wanted to restore more freedoms, he or she would have to fight the Putinesque system and bureaucracy, which have centralized all power in the Kremlin. In Thailand, even if current Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva wanted to return the country to the freedom of the 1990s, he couldn’t, because during Thaksin’s rule and then after the coup, Thailand’s rulers tore up its reformist constitution, ruined the courts, and so politicized the media that newspapers now slavishly back either the pro- or anti-Thaksin forces. It would take years, if not decades, for a new leader to rebuild the civil service, courts, and other institutions with the type of trained, impartial people who’d been developed before.

And if we add to this list – the Philippine middle class latest behavior during the elections, I’d say Newsweek hit a homerun. Philippine democracy is still in tatters, and with Noynoy Aquino’s spineless ineffective “leadership” – Philippine democracy might very well rip apart sooner than later.

Thai Red shirts, Filipino yellows shirts – different colored shirts, but the wearers have the same lemming mentality. Thailand has had only one Thaksin – the Philippines has had an Aquino, a Ramos, an Estrada, and an Arroyo – and they were all like Thaksin. And if you have been keeping score of the latest developments in the President-elect’s camp – the dude is another Thaksin in the making.

The good news is the middle class role in this mess has been identified. Now for the bad news – the Philippine middle class is shrinking!

What Middle Class?

The findings of a study on the Philippine NSCB Executive Director, Romy Virola came to a conclusion that the Philippine middle class is shrinking.

“For a country to be truly and sustainably prosperous there must be a broad-based middle class …that has the knowledge, the skills and the resources to foster economic growth and help generate employment for the poor. But so far, the poverty reduction programs we have crafted have focused mainly on being ‘pro-poor’, ‘antipoverty’, helping the ‘poorest provinces’, etc. We seem to have completely ignored the needs of and the strategic importance of building and expanding the middle class of Philippine society,” he pointed out.

A National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB) study presented at the 10th National Convention on Statistics late last year revealed that from 1997 to 2003, the population share of the Filipino middle class shrank in the country’s total population. The population share of the upper class likewise fell during the same period, resulting in a larger low income class.

Entitled “Trends and Characteristics of the Middle Class in the Philippines: Is it Expanding or Shrinking?”, the study used data from the 1997, 2000 and 2003 Family Income and Expenditure Surveys (FIES) conducted by the National Statistics Office to come up with the results. It found that “as of 2003, less than 1 in 100 families belong to the high income class; about 20 are middle income and 80 are low income. And in a span of 6 years from 1997 to 2003, close to 4 families for every 100 middle income families have been lost to the low income category.”

Dr. Romulo Virola, NSCB Executive Director, noted in his blog that the preliminary results of the 2006 FIES “seem to indicate a continuation of the pattern.”

Details of the studies conclusions are quoted verbatim below:

Dr. Virola and his co-authors found that the middle-income class comprise of families who, in 2007, have a total annual income ranging from P251,283 to P2,045,280. Middle-income families also have houses built of strong materials, own a house and lot, a refrigerator and a radio. They noted that while the middle class shrank only a bit between 1997 and 2000, there was a minimum 2 percentage point decrease in the middle class’ population share between 2000 and 2003. The share of middle class families in 2003 was 22.7 percent, down from 23.0 percent in 1997. This further shrank to 19.9 percent in 2003. The study also found that educational attainment plays a big role in family income.

If a household head has a postgraduate degree, the annual familyincome is expected to increase at least 17.3 percent in 2000. A college degree, on the other hand, meant a lower but nonetheless significant increase of 10.5 percent in the same year. The authors said that “this highlights the importance of higher education in the socioeconomic status of an individual”.

In terms of occupation, if the household head worked as a government official, manager, supervisor or professional, annual income would increase 31.6 percent in 2003. A job in trade and industry, on the other hand, meant a 3.6 percent decrease in income in 2000.

Mean income of families with a member who is an overseas Filipino worker is higher by 93 percent in 2003. Their income rose PhP33,986 or 9.5 percent from 2000 to 2003.

The authors added that as expected, families in urban areas had income higher by about 6 percent compared to their rural counterparts in 1997 and 2000.

You can read more about the NSCB study below:
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I wonder what could be causing the shrinkage. Could it be a) middle income families are making less and their revenue has fallen – therefore they are no longer considered “middle class” but are in effect “poor”; or b) migration – newer middle income families uproot themselves and migrate on the first opportunity; or c) both A &B.

What this implies is that there will be more undereducated, if not uneducated citizens. It already is a burden to deal with the miseducated ones how much more the exponential increase in the undereducated, miseduated, and the uneducated?


Dr Virola has reason to be alarmed.

The Philippine Middle Class – On the Verge of Extinction or Resurgence?

A recent report by the EuroMonitor provides a glimpse into the resurgence of the middle class in the emergin economies (EME). The study noted the following

The World Bank estimates that the global middle class is likely to grow from 430 million in 2000 to 1.2 billion in 2030, defining the middle class as earners making US$10-20 a day (a range of average incomes between Brazil and Italy). China and India will account for two-thirds of the expansion.

  • The share of emerging and developing economies in world GDP in purchasing power parity terms (PPP) is expected to overtake advanced economies by 2014, according to the IMF. China is forecast to be the biggest contributor to world GDP growth by 2017, overtaking the USA and accounting for 18.4% of world GDP in PPP terms from 7.1% in 2000. India, with a share of 6.2% of world GDP in PPP terms, will be the third largest contributor towards world GDP in 2017;
  • The rising middle class in EMEs is also a result of the rapid increase in populations within these economies. The workforce (population aged 15-64) for these economies together will rise to 3.0 billion in 2020 from 2.7 billion in 2010, accounting for 68.8% of their total population in 2020. The most rapid increase in the working-age population over 2010-2020 comes from Saudi Arabia (25.6%), followed by the Philippines (23.5%) and the UAE (21.6%);
  • The transition for the emerging middle class, however, is not devoid of challenges. Skills shortages are likely to become more apparent despite a new educated mass of people, while resources might become scarce. Income inequality is expected to rise mainly due to the widening difference in earnings potential between skilled and unskilled workers.

Read the Euromitor report below:

[gview file=””%5D

These has many implications to the Filipino nation, a few questions come to mind:

1. Can Noynoy Aquino grow the middle class or reduce it even further?

2. Will the middle class ever get its act and its relevance back together again?

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  2. NFA rice · ·

    I agree with you about the middle class as the driving force of change. How do we improve and expand the middle class? I taught physics and did a few research at a university there and I think education is the key:

    Improve the educational system by eliminating less useful subjects from the curriculum and focus on subjects that matter and instil critical thinking. I can think of subjects like science, math, english, and literature as the more important ones. I had a subject “good manners and right conduct” in grade school (I went to a public school) and “Values education” in highschool. These subjects are superfluous inasmuch as values and morals are best taught by parents at home. The educational system should not put itself in the place of the parents. Of course this doesn’t prevent the school from setting its own rules for students to follow. But morality in the curriculum?

    I don’t see a good reason why Filipino (basically Tagalog grammar) is compulsory from grade school all the way up to university. I think grade school is enough to learn tagalog.

    There are too many subjects a student needs to learn already and the teachers are overworked! Grade schoolers and their teachers should spend only 4 to 5 hours a day at school. Students can spend the rest of the day on play or their creativity. The idea is that people learn less and less with the additional hours spent in the classroom (the law of diminishing returns at work) and that the classroom merely restricts a child’s creativity.

  3. Hung Hang · ·

    The Philippines is a kakistocratic democracy where the government is filled with the least qualified or most unprincipled citizens.

    The Philippines is also an idiocracy. Democracy is the rule of the majority. If the majority are idiots like in the Philippines, then the majority will elect idiotic leaders like themselves who will then adopt idiotic government policies that will breed more idiots. It’s a catch-22 so it’s a vicious cycle that is hard to break.

    Although the constitution explicitly mandates the separation of the church from the state, the Philippines in reality is a Catholic theocracy where the clergy wields enormous power that even the elected public officials bow down to.

    How did we end up with an idiotic population while the rest of our neighbours are progressing rapidly? Well a huge part of the blame goes to the Catholic Church for continuing to subjugate the country with its medieval values, for propagating its reality-distorting views of the world, and for killing critical thinking among its practitioners. There’s a good discussion thread on this on ChinoF’s article: “Filipino Family Values: A Source of Dysfunction” so no point repeating it here.

  4. There is ONLY one proven way to increase the size of middle classes – overseas employment & migration.

  5. HalleluyahHymen · ·

    If I’d look at on the aggregate and as far as religions and/or religious cults are concerned, it is not only the Catholic church that is contributory to the hindrance of economic growth and economic development in the Philippines. The INCs for example is a cult who operates like a corporation. “The endorsement” of candidates is an assurance that the INCs faithful will be appointed to key positions from department secretaries to directors of government agencies in both the judicial and executive branches.


    The Middle Class… the highly educated and the highly skilled citizens have been been moving out to more developed countries for the last decades (or more than a quarter of the century)… that is why they are disappearing at the NSCB statistics. The long standing policy of the Philippines to send people out is the major factor. Being highly skilled and highly educated gives them an ease to enter international borders and acquire jobs easily. MDCs like US, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the UK are their preferences because they know they can stay there for good… or permanently as its citizens. The determinants of this labor mobility behavior is factored by the comparison of income opportunities and welfare policies… where obviously the PI has less or none.

  6. Jon Abaca · ·

    I agree with you that there is something wrong with the education system in the Philippines. I recently had to check a programming exam for an application to our company.

    Here is a rather interesting tidbit.

    if ( x == ( x / 5 ) )
    print "Divisible by 5"
    end if

    Isn’t that always false?

    Education is really important. I think the problem in the Philippines is that education isn’t adaptive. I admit that there are people who will suck at programming, or engineering, or medicine. They should be given proper guidance so that they can be in a field where they don’t suck and they have a chance at success.

    Sadly, many parents here decide for their children. Oftentimes, the child doesn’t really feel like it. Bad motivation leads to performance that is mediocre at best.

    Killing personal drive kills personal responsibility. It also kills the desire for excellence. Without personal responsibility AND the a personal desire for excellence, you have people who pass the buck and exhibit the “pwede na yan” mentality. That in turn kills democracy.

  7. @Jon Abaca

    Yeah, what happens is that the child’s motivation is actually the parents since they can’t form their own concrete dreams, short term goals and back up plans just in case certain things don’t work out. But also I think they limit the children so they don’t expose them to many things they want to try out but what the parent wants them to become. Because of that, the children can’t form their own purpose and nothing that personally motivates them. It then goes back to utang ng loob, kabaitan as opposed to doing it because its the childs’ independent choice.

  8. It’s possible that the unabated population growth has impacted the middle to poor class ratio. Add to the fact that the Church will do what it takes to support political candidates (no matter what their leanings) as long as they’re against artificial birth control.

  9. NFA rice · ·

    Religiosity is a symptom, not the cause of backwardness. The friars long time ago had noticed the laziness of the people. We cannot ignore the positive contribution of the catholic church to the education and health of the Filipinos.

    Contrast the thinking “Poverty is God’s will” with “God helps people that help themselves”. This means that religious views can effect both ways: laziness and a good work ethic.

    Regarding politicians seeking the approval of a certain church, they should be prosecuted and barred from public office for violating the constitutional mandate of the separation of church and state and churches that endorse a politician should be denied tax exemption.

  10. not to mention the entire cauldron of religious mumbo jumbo you have to take in a sectarian school.

  11. Or open up the economy. Remove the protectionist clauses of the Philippine constitution – and use legislation instead to allow flexibility.

  12. that too is another possibility. considering the middle class tends to have smaller family sizes – and the poor have bigger family sizes – reminiscent of the into to the movie – “Idiocracy”.

  13. Exactly – the tax exemption of the CBCP , the Catholic Churches, and the Iglesia ni Kristo should be removed. If they want to be involved in politics -then they render to Caesar what belongs to Caesar.

  14. sutoi! · ·

    but if you would notice, every colony under catholic spain declined, and i think most of them are third world countries in contrast to the colonies under the protestant english and dutch that prospered, the natives under these protestant countries preserved their culture too. catholicism and spain has robbed us of our indigenous culture and the ability to think rationally for ourselves, they have indoctrinated us instead with what they want us to think of ourselves… indios. we need to get over our colonial hung up and fast.

  15. Problem is instead of people getting over it, they are still using the colonial hung up as a 100+ year yoke of an excuse for why they act and behave the way they do now. While in that timeline our Asian neighbors have broken free from their mediocrity mindset, we keep up with the indos mindset and are even more captivated with the shiny things in the world.

  16. maligalig · ·

    OO, totoo, at puro JOLOGS na mga natitirang tao dyan sa pilipinas, mabuti na lang at mangilan ngilan na may tunay na pagmamalasakit sa inang bayan at mga pamilya ng mga dayuhan na tuluyan pa rin nabubuhay sa pinas, due to their own reasons i suppose. kaya tignan ang naging resulta ng nakaraang halalan, erap number 2? bong revilla & jinggoy estrada as top senators? puro KABOBOHAN! ANG KAISA ISANG BAGAY LAMANG NA MAGANDANG NANGYARI NUONG NAKARAANG ELEKSYON AY ANG NATURANG PAGIGING MALINIS NITO, DAHILAN SA PAGGAMIT NG MGA MAKABAGONG TEKNOLOHIYA SA PAGSASAGAWA NITO, yun lang. ang realidad sa estado ng ekonomiya ng pilipinas ay ang pagiging pagkatungtong nito sa (hindi sa yaman ng natural resources) kundi sa yaman ng mga OFW na bumabalik sa pinas sa pamamagitan ng maliliit nilang investment at remittances na nagpapatuloy na tumutustos sa kanilang mga pamilya at kamag-anak. ANG PILIPINAS PO AY MAY BUBBLE ECONOMY! gayunpamang mataas ang antas ng ‘UNEMPLOLYMENT RATE’ dahil sa malawakang kakapusan ng estratehiya ng nasyonal at lokal na pamahalaan at ang pagkunsinti sa pagpapatupad ng pag eempleyo ng ‘CONTRACT WORKERS’ ang pilipinas ay walang dahilan para sa agaran at WALANG CONTROL na pagtaas ng mga pangunahing bilihin, real estate properties (yang mga hinayupak na condo na yan), at imprastraktura. DAHIL TAUN TAON NA LAMANG ANG PILIPINAS AY MAY BUDGET DEFICIT! PURO UTANG NA HINDI NA KAYANG MABAYARAN MAGPAKAILANMAN MAN! pero magtaka kayo sa napakaraming indibidwal na kumakandidato tuwing eleksyon na may kagustuhang mahalal bilang magseserbisyo sa bayan??? ang dahilan ay dahil sa PERA! the philippines has one of the most chaotic societies in the world…that is my perception. a government system established by westerners (with spanish & US influences) to locals (mga ninuno ni lapu lapu na may malalim na pagkakahiwa hiwalay sa pamamagitan ng ‘baranggay’) who practices REGIONALISM(?) mix that with the unruly implementation of sorts of those so called LAWS of the land with an asian culture of OPENESS, there you can find foreigners boasts of their high regard of locals and the once deprived filipino-chinese whom among locals called ‘intsik’ but surpasses their hardship and now being elites and owners of some of the biggest philippine corporations, call that an IRONY. now you got a country where SHOWBIZ takes center stage as oftentimes been used as an excuse to promote ‘fair-skinned’ models on top of local moreno & morenas, and there you find those so called ‘conyos’ whom the youths idolized, whom they find amusing and role models for their incapacity to even speak correctly grammatically in TAGALOG. THE PHILIPPINES NOT ONLY HAS A SHIRNKING MIDDLE CLASS (who might have found greener pastures abroad) BUT A MISGUIDED, GEOGRAPHICALLY DISADVANTAGED, CULTURALLY LOST, CORRUPT SOCIETY. thats my take

  17. maligalig · ·

    correction..foreigners being highly regarded BY the locals
    and what more..
    IF THE MIDDLE CLASS SHRINKS WHILE THERE’S CONTINUED (UNECESSARY) POPULATION EXPLOSION, PATULOY NA MAGHIHIRAP ANG PILIPINAS! kahit ang isang bata sa elementarya maiiintidihan ang bagay na ito: na kung maraming tao ang maghahati hati sa isang piraso ng pie(economy) napakaliit lamang ang kayang ibahagi nito at malamang na mayroon hindi mabibigyan. eto po ang tunay na nangyayari sa pilipinas! laging kinakapos sa supply ng gamot sa lokal na baranggay, kulang na pondo sa pagpapatupad at (more importantly) pagkukumpune at pagmementina ng imprastraktura at mga kagamitanng bayan.
    ako mismo na kung minsanay umuwi sa inang bayan upang magbakasyon ay natatandaan pa rin ang uri at lokasyon ng mga lubak sa south-expressway kapag ako’y nagmamaneho ruon, kahit mahigit 10 taon na ang nakakaraan. so nasaan po ang pagbabago sa pilipinas lung ang mga simpleng bagay ay hindi magawan ng paraan gaya ng maayos na pakukumpuni o pagtapi sa mga naturang kalye??? ang baha sa metro manila ay patuloy na nagsasanhi ng baha at mga sakit dulot nito, at ang ‘national crisis prevention(?) kuno, kung saan ang bagyo (tinamaan ng lintek taun taon may bagyo sa pinas!) na taun taon na lamang ay naghahasik ng sakuna at pumapatay ng mamamayan. NASAAN ANG PAGPAPLANO AT PAGHAHANDA SA LAHAT NG YAN??? WALA! at ang mga jologs alam nang kahit anong oras ay maaaring magkaroon ng baha pero patuloy pa rin sa pakookupa ng mga lugar na maaaring tamaan at daanan nito, at ang ilan ay intensiyonal pang namamalagi sa gilid ng mga kanal at estero, na nagsasanhi ng mas matinding pagbaha kasama na rin ng kanilang mga basura.

  18. maligalig · ·

    middle class (leftovers):

    kastilahoy VS chinoy
    conyo VS emilio-aguinaldos
    kastilahoy vs emilio-aguinaldos(elitistang pumatay kay andres-bonifacio)
    conyo vs chinoy
    kastilahoy vs conyo
    chinoy vs emilio-aguinaldos

    si juan dela cruz? walang kakampe at lahat kalaban, ang masa, walang kalaban laban, mga INDIOs

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