What Will Be Noynoy's Legacy?
Balut penoy’s chihuahua, namely, Bill Esposo was at it again – selling Vaporware and covering up the tracks of Balut Penoy (hereinafter referred to as Balut – yup, unhatched stinking duck egg). The justifications and convolutions that Balut’s sycophants have to come up with reminds me of the Emperor’s new clothes. Obviously Balut’s media team has gotten its marching orders – more word candy written in Newspeak.
Take for example these paragraphs of a writer whose chair is not only wrecked – whose brain has been wrecked from the yellow kool-aide.
If P-Noy wants to attain greatness by being the leader who enlightened his benighted nation – then he must teach all Filipinos their real history. P-Noy must teach the historical truth which will set every Filipino free – not the history our former colonial rulers wanted us to know and not the history that bad past Filipino leaders polluted and corrupted in order to conceal their treachery.
Only the historical truth will unite our nation and allow it to withstand the pressures from powerful states like the US and China that have taken a keen interest in our natural resources and strategic location which are vital for projecting imperial power in this region. Sans the historical truth to unite us, the powerful states can easily divide us and then exploit us.
The BS of the media who are in the take of the oligarchy, exemplified by Bill Esposo, just never ends – de Quiros, the Inquirer, ABS-CBN – these morons keep on coming up with these pitches from left field.
A Great Nation Is Not Built By Morons
Never was, never did, never will, not gonna happen.
I will not hedge enlightenment coming from a person who:
- Produced 8 bills in 3 years (bad work habits).
- Didn’t want to disclose his pork barrel spending (dishonest)
- Ill-adviced moronic Cabinet appointments (inability to make sound judgments)
Doing that not only reeks of stupid, it IS stupid. The heights of brown-nosing that that Bill Esposo reaches is absolutely amusing, you’d probably smell him a mile away.
If you want to be enlightened how to be lazy, dishonest, flawed judgements – by all means follow Bill Esposo’s irresponsible retarded musings – straight to the toilet.
The Aquinos Real History is a History of Betrayal
Mr Esposow (sow as in pig, heavy from drinking yello kool-aide, it can wreck a chair.. LOL) – Here’s what the facts of history tell us:
- Balut’s great-grandfather, Servillano Aquino, was a general in the revolutionary army of Emilio Aguinaldo.
|A History of Betrayal – General Aguinaldo – Servillano Aquino’s Commander-In-Cheating
In 1895, Aguinaldo joined the Katipunan, a secret organization led by Andrés Bonifacio, dedicated to the expulsion of the Spanish and independence of the Philippines through armed force. Aguinaldo used the nom de guerre Magdalo, in honor of Mary Magdalene. His local chapter of the Katipunan, headed by his cousin Baldomero Aguinaldo, was also called Magdalo.
Conflict between the Magdalo and another Cavite Katipunan faction, the Magdiwang, led to Bonifacio’s intervention in the province. The Cavite rebels then made overtures about establishing a revolutionary government in place of the Katipunan. Though Bonifacio already considered the Katipunan to be a government, he acquiesced and presided over elections held during the Tejeros Convention in Tejeros, Cavite on March 22, 1897.
Away from his power base, Bonifacio lost the leadership to Aguinaldo, and was elected instead to the office of Secretary of the Interior. Even this was questioned by an Aguinaldo supporter, claiming Bonifacio had not the necessary schooling for the job. Insulted, Bonifacio declared the Convention null and void, and sought to return to his power base in Morong (present-day Rizal). He and his party were intercepted by Aguinaldo’s men and violence resulted which left Bonifacio seriously wounded.
Bonifacio was charged, tried and found guilty of treason by a Cavite military tribunal, and sentenced to death. After some vacillation, Aguinaldo confirmed the death sentence, and Bonifacio was executed on May 10, 1897 in the mountains of Maragondon in Cavite, even as Aguinaldo and his forces were retreating in the face of Spanish assault
Spanish pressure intensified, eventually forcing Aguinaldo’s forces to retreat to the mountains. Emilio Aguinaldo signed the Pact of Biak-na-Bato. Under the pact, Aguinaldo agreed to end hostilities as well in exchange for amnesty and “$800,000 (Mexican)” (Aguinaldo’s description of the amount) as an indemnity. Aguinaldo took the money offered. On December 14, 1897, Aguinaldo and other Katipunan officials went into voluntary exile in Hong Kong. Emilio Aguinaldo was President and Mariano Trias (Vice President). Other officials included Antonio Montenegro for Foreign Affairs, Isabelo Artacho for the Interior, Baldomero Aguinaldo for the Treasury, and Emiliano Riego de Dios for War.
However, thousands of other Katipuneros continued to fight the Revolution against Spain for a sovereign nation. Unlike Aguinaldo who came from a privileged background, the bulk of these fighters were peasants and workers who were not willing to settle for ‘indemnities.’
In early 1898, war broke out between Spain and the United States. Aguinaldo returned to the Philippines in May 1898. He immediately resumed revolutionary activities against the Spaniards, now receiving verbal encouragement from emissaries of the U. S.
Less than two years later, after the famous Battle of Tirad Pass with the death of Gregorio del Pilar, one of his most trusted generals, Aguinaldo was captured in Palanan, Isabela on March 23, 1901 by US General Frederick Funston, with the help of Macabebe trackers (who saw Aguinaldo as a bigger problem than the Americans). The American task force gained access to Aguinaldo’s camp by pretending to be captured prisoners.
Funston later noted Aguinaldo’s “dignified bearing”, “excellent qualities,” and “humane instincts.” Of course, Funston was writing this after Aguinaldo had volunteered to swear fealty to the United States, if only his life was spared. Aguinaldo pledged allegiance to America on April 1, 1901, formally ending the First Republic and recognizing the sovereignty of the United States over the Philippines. Nevertheless, many others (like Miguel Malvar and Macario Sakay) continued to resist the American occupation.
Servillano Aquino followed Aguinaldo in betraying the Philppine revolution. William Esposo is a blind, deaf, dumb duck if he wants this piece of real factual piece of history kept mum (like Aquino’s freak show of a Cabinet).
- Balut’s grandfather Benigno Aquino, Sr. (1894–1947) was a prominent member of the World War II Japanese collaborationist government of José P. Laurel, as Vice-President.
|Benigno Aquino, Sr – Collaborator during Japanese Occupation
Being among the more prominent Commonwealth officials left after the Commonwealth government went into exile in 1941, Aquino were among those recruited by the Japanese to form a government. Aquino became the director-general of KALIBAPI and one of the two assistant chairmen of the Preparatory Commission for Philippine Independence. When the Second Philippine Republic was inaugurated, he was elected Speaker of the National Assembly. He later served as Vice-President under Laurel.
Arrest and collaboration charges
In December 1944, as the American forces continued their advance to liberate the Philippines from Japanese forces, the government of the Second Philippine Republic was moved to Baguio which included Aquino before they flew to Japan where together with other officials they were arrested and imprisoned at the Sugamo Prison when the Japanese surrendered.
On August 25, 1946, Aquino was flown back to the Philippines for his trial on treason charges by the People’s Court, a few weeks later he was released on bail.
On December 20, 1947 he died of heart attack at the Rizal Memorial Coliseum in Manila while watching a boxing match.
- Balut’s grandmother was Doña Aurora Aquino-Aquino (who was also his father’s third cousin). (Reminds you of the retarded offsprings of incestously bred European aristocrats who turn out to be ABNOYS)
Esposo waxes poetic about “the powerful states can easily divide us and then exploit us” while missing the fact that the Aquinos have a factual history of being among the first to collaborate with forces that can easily “divide us then exploit us”.
The Aquinos and the Aguinaldos, did it to Bonifacio. Malvar, and Sakay. The Aquinos did it again in World War II.
Post Colonial History
After the colonial occupation forces left and the Philippines was entrusted to the ilustrados, the Aquinos went on with their legacy of duplicitiousness in Hacienda Luisita.
|Hacienda Luisita Timeline – Colony of the Philippine Oligarchy
Author: Source: Philippine Daily Inquirer
1957—JOSE COJUANGCO SR. buys majority shares of the Central Azucarera de Tarlac, including the 6,453-hectare Hacienda Luisita from the Spanish company Compania General de Tabacos de Filipinas (Tabacalera). The CAT and hacienda are transferred to Cojuangco’s Tarlac Development Corp., an agricultural corporation.
Aug. 27, 1957—Central Bank Monetary Board issues Resolution No. 1240 approving Cojuangco’s loan to pay Manufacturers Trust in New York, which extended a loan to purchase Hacienda Luisita. The CB resolution says, “There shall be a simultaneous purchase of Hacienda Luisita with the purchase of the shares, with a view to distributing this hacienda to small farmers in line with administration’s social justice program.”
Resolution No. 3202
Nov. 27, 1957—The Government Services Insurance System approves a loan of P5.9 million for the Cojuangcos through Resolution No. 3202. The GSIS loan was approved after Cojuangco told the GSIS in a letter that the Cojuangcos’ acquisition of Luisita would “pave the way for the sale to bona fide planters on a long-term basis, portions of the hacienda.”
1976—Period when the Cojuangcos should have made good on the condition of the loan agreements they signed with CB and GSIS to distribute and sell the land to farm workers through affordable terms.
1977—Marcos government reviews Cojuangcos’ compliance with the land distribution condition‘
June 22, 1978—Demetria S. Cojuangco writes then Ministry of Agrarian Reform Deputy Minister Ernesto Valdez, saying it was “extremely unwarranted to make us account for the fulfillment of a condition that cannot be enforced … there are no tenants in Hacienda Luisita … the Central Bank resolution does not indicate the small farmers … the hacienda is outside the scope of any land reform program of the government … there is no agrarian unrest in Hacienda Luisita.”
May 7, 1980—Marcos government files Civil Case No. 13164 against Jose Cojuangco Sr. and his heirs before the Manila Regional Trial Court
Dec. 2, 1985—Manila RTC orders the Cojuangcos to transfer control of Hacienda Luisita to the Ministry of Agrarian Reform, which will distribute the land to small farmers after compensating the landowners P3.988 million. The Cojuangcos elevate the case to the Court of Appeals.
February 1986—Slain Sen. Ninoy Aquino’s widow and one of Cojuangco’s five heirs, Cory C. Aquino, is installed as President of the Philippines through a popular revolt at Edsa.
July 22, 1987—Aquino issues Presidential Proclamation 131 and Executive Order No. 229 saying agrarian reform covers sugar lands.
March 17, 1988—The solicitor general, CB governor and the Department of Agrarian Reform filed a motion to dismiss the civil case against the Cojuangcos pending before the Court of Appeals on the ground that Hacienda Luisita would be covered by agrarian reform.
May 18, 1988—Court dismisses civil case against the Cojuangcos concerning Luisita.
June 10, 1988—Enactment of RA 6657 or the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law, which is grounded on the land-to-the-tiller principle. RA 6657 provides stock transfer scheme as an alternative to actual land acquisition and distribution.
Aug. 23, 1988—Tadeco creates Hacienda Luisita Inc. (HLI) as a spin-off company and registers it with the Securities and Exchange Commission
May 9, 1989—Landowners, along with then DAR Secretary Philip Juico, Tarlac governor and the mayors of Tarlac City, Concepcion, and La Paz, the three municipalities covering the hacienda, hold referendum among Luisita farm workers to present the stock distribution option. Juico, Tadeco and HLI sign memorandum of agreement on the SDO.
May 11, 1989—Tadeco, HLI, farmers sign SDO agreement to convert share in 4,915 hectares of agricultural land after 92.6 percent of farmers voted ’yes’ to SDO during referendum.
Oct. 14, 1989—Another referendum supervised by the Agrarian Reform secretary Miriam Defensor-Santiago is held at Hacienda Luisita, with 96 percent of farmers approving the SDO agreement.
Sept. 1, 1995—Sangguniang Panlalawigan ng Tarlac approves rezoning plan that converts 3,290 hectares of hacienda Luisita from agricultural to commercial, industrial and residential purposes.
Aug. 14, 1996—DAR approves conversion of 500 hectares of the 3,290 hectares of reclassified Luisita land on the condition that it would not affect the benefits of farmers and they would get 3 percent of gross sale proceeds
Sept. 28, 2003—Farmers boycott elections of their representatives to the HLI board, saying the four board seats were useless against seven management seats; express dismay with past farmer board members for siding with management.
Oct. 14, 2003—Supervisors of Hacienda Luisita file petition before the DAR to revoke SDO, saying the HLI was not giving them dividends, their one percent share in gross sales and 33 percent share in the proceeds from the conversion of 500 hectares of land.
Dec. 4, 2003—5,000 farmers through their group Ambala file a supplemental petition to seek revocation of the SDO and distribution of land to them, citing similar violations of the agreement and the unconstitutionality of the SDO policy.
Task Force Luisita
Nov. 16, 2004—Violent dispersal of striking workers leave seven dead, scores injured, focusing national attention to the farmers’ situation in the hacienda
Nov. 25, 2004—DAR task force stock distribution, later renamed task force Luisita, convenes for the first time to discuss the petitions by Luisita supervisors and farmers
March 15, 2005—DAR deploys 10 teams to 10 barangays within the hacienda to conduct focus group discussions with 453 farmers concerning their understanding of SDO, benefits, home lots, other provisions of the agreement, their recommendations on the SDO, etc.
July 2005—Task Force Luisita submits report on findings and recommendations to DAR Secretary Nasser C. Pangandaman
August 2005—Pangandaman creates special legal team to review the “minor legal issues” in the task force’s report, says decision on Luisita should be out by end of September
Sept. 23, 2005—DAR special legal team submits terminal report on the two petitions, recommending the revocation of the 16-year-old SDO agreement in Hacienda Luisita.
Muddling Historical Truths
Bill’s wrecked gray matter raises the bogeyman of great powers, his nose must be stuck deep into Aquino’s rectum because he keeps on forgetting that when the rubber met the road, the Aquinos were the very first to collaborate with “great powers”. The Aquinos wanted to have a first cut at the pie. at the expense of the Filipino.
Here’s MY truth (a truth I share with F. Sionil Jose) –today, the Philippines is a colony of its own oligarchy – the people who pay William Esposo’s paycheck – and William Esposo will do somersaults, turn cartwheels, even sell his grandmother to come up with “real history” and justify Aquino’s BULLSHIT and peddle it as gold – that’s what paid hacks are for.
Aquino’s Legacy is Taking Shape: VAPORWARE
Vaporware is a word used to describe products, usually computer hardware or software, not released on the date announced by their developer, or announced months or years before their release. It usually implies a negative opinion of a product, and uncertainty that it will eventually be released. The word applied to a growing range of products including consumer electronics, automobiles, and some stock trading practices.
Publications widely accuse developers of announcing products early intentionally to gain advantage over others. Network World magazine called vaporware an “epidemic” in 1989, and blamed the press for not investigating whether developers’ claims were true.
Vaporware is a word used to describe products, usually computer hardware or software, not released on the date announced by their developer, or announced months or years before their release. It usually implies a negative opinion of a product, and uncertainty that it will eventually be released. The word applied to a growing range of products including consumer electronics, automobiles, and some stock trading practices.Publications widely accuse developers of announcing products early intentionally to gain advantage over others. Network World magazine called vaporware an “epidemic” in 1989, and blamed the press for not investigating whether developers’ claims were true.
Tough luck for people like Bill Esposo – no matter how you slice and dice it – “reducing expectations”, “give Noynoy a chance”, “pride in possibility” just doesn’t cut it. In case Bill’s parents haven’t taught him “do not count your chickens before they hatch” – now would be a good time to learn it.
The next six years will be a reprise of George Orwell’s “1984” where people versed in the art of Newspeak and churning out Vaporware will have a field day being paid hacks of the Philippine oligarchy – that will be Noynoy’s legacy.
Enjoy the show Philippines, you asked for it you got it – The Tarlac Hillbillies are in town.
Oh, and while you are at it – get your sh*t together Philippines!
1 – http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emilio_Aguinaldo, accessed June 27, 2010
2 – http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Servillano_Aquino, accessed June 27, 2010
3 – http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Benigno_Aquino,_Jr. , accessed June 27, 2010
4 – http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Benigno_Aquino,_Sr. , accessed June 27, 2010
5 – http://www.afrim.org.ph/Archives/2005/Phil Daily Inquirer/October/01/Hacienda Luisita timeline.htm , accessed June 27, 2010